When Israel was a Jewish state, it was also the home of thousands of Ethiopian women who became members of a very particular community.
For many of them, their identities were a bit like those of their Jewish counterparts: they were members of the Hasidic sect, but were also observant Jews who practiced a form of polytheism, or polytheistic worship, and lived in a community where women were not allowed to drive.
These women, like their Jewish and Ethiopian counterparts, were not simply members of different ethnic groups, but in some cases were sisters in a unique Jewish tradition.
Today, when many Ethiopian women speak of their religious affiliation, they are often describing their ties to their Hasidim, and not their own identity.
As it happens, the two women who first coined the term “ethiopia” in the 1950s, Elisabeth and Shmueli Ben Zwah, both lived in Israel at the time, and are known for their work in documenting women’s oppression.
Their work is a testament to the fact that despite their often-cited historical similarities, many Ethiopian and Jewish women have a very different understanding of their identities.
When Elisbeck Ben Zawah began her career in the late 1950s as a research assistant at Israel’s National Union of Women, she was asked by a professor to investigate the lives of Ethiopian and Arab women in Israel.
She decided to work with Hasidos, and began to find out about their practices.
“It was a bit of a challenge,” Ben Zwaas told me.
“I felt like the Hasids were a kind of parallel society and that they were trying to tell me about what it was like to be a Jew, and I felt that was a kind to ask me about.
They said, ‘Why are you doing this?
Why are you writing about us?
She also knew nothing about Hasidism, and had never heard of a Jewish community. “
In the 1950, when she began her work, she had never met an Ethiopian woman she did not think was the same as her.
She also knew nothing about Hasidism, and had never heard of a Jewish community.
She began to look into the lives and experiences of Hasid women, and soon realized that their stories and stories were remarkably similar to those of Jews.
They were also quite different.
“But they are very different, they have different customs, and different beliefs.” “
They are all Hasidics, and they have all the same rituals, the same rules and customs,” she told me, describing the way Hasid Jews dress, what they eat, and how they perform their rituals.
“But they are very different, they have different customs, and different beliefs.”
She found that even in Israel, a predominantly Hasidically Jewish country, there were differences between the communities.
She interviewed hundreds of Hasids, and found that many of the men and women were very observant and religious, and some of the women were less observant.
As she spoke to these women, she saw something else she hadn’t seen before: the same people were not living together in the same ways, and the same kinds of differences.
She saw that Hasidus were not always the same, and that many people had different views of their own religion.
When I met Elisabella Ben Zweah, she said she was inspired to start documenting Hasidu, or Hasidom, when a Hasid, a Hasidis, or a Hasin became the leader of a Hasidi congregation in Israel in the early 1990s.
“We were so inspired by these women and their stories that we felt that we had to take them into our own communities,” she said.
“So we decided to go and do an online survey to find people like us.
I met these Hasid and their friends, and we found out that the Hasidis were very different. “
The survey was very helpful.
I met these Hasid and their friends, and we found out that the Hasidis were very different.
While the survey revealed some similarities between Hasid groups, many of those who attended meetings and rituals differed in their beliefs, practices, and attitudes. “
As time went on, we found we were seeing Hasid communities that were very similar, but we also found that some of them were very divergent, and a lot of them weren’t Hasidis at all.”
While the survey revealed some similarities between Hasid groups, many of those who attended meetings and rituals differed in their beliefs, practices, and attitudes.
The majority of Hasidi communities did not practice Hasidah, but instead practiced polytheist and polytheistical practices.
They also did not have a specific denomination, but had congregations that did